World Bank and Urban Development: From Projects to Policy (Routledge Studies in Development and Society)
As one of the world’s most powerful supranational institutions, the World Bank has played an important role in international development discourse and practice since 1946. This is the first book-length history and analysis of the Bank’s urban programs and their complex relationship to urban policy formulation in the developing world. Through extensive primary research, the book examines four major themes:
- the political and economic forces that propelled the reluctant World Bank to finally embrace urban programs in the 1970s
- how the Bank fashioned its general ideology of development into specific urban projects
- trends and transitions within the Bank’s urban agenda from its inception to the present
- the World Bank’s historic and contemporary role in the complex interaction between global, national, and local forces that shape the urban agendas of developing countries.
The book also examines how protests from NGOs and civic movements, in the context of globalization and neo-liberalism, have influenced the World Bank policies from the 1990s to the present. The institution’s attempts to restructure and legitimate itself, in light of shifting geo-political and intellectual contexts, are considered throughout.
domestic and international actors. Finally, debtors are constrained by leverage, or the ﬁnancial, political, and ideological power exercised by creditors. Just as they neglect the state, the major paradigms of development fail to give sufﬁcient attention to elites and local actors. On one hand, because they privilege the role of external variables, neither the dependency paradigm nor the modernization school sufﬁciently grasp how the general features of the geo-political and economic system are
was the fact that greater government intervention in both production and distribution would inevitably result as a corollary of the basic needs approach. All sides of the debate were encouraged by McNamara, who sought to determine how policy would ﬁnally crystallize, but his seemingly open stance had the effect of frustrating the basic needs proposal during the mid-1970s. In due course, great semantic uncertainty emerged, given the wide range of subjective interpretations of the words “basic” and
approach generally welcomed this shift. A small minority within that camp, however, argued that the stronger concentration on rural development was misdirected, and would not succeed in adequately addressing the multifaceted socioeconomic problems that confront developing countries. This group was speciﬁcally concerned about increasing rates of urbanization in the developing world, and the resultant socioeconomic problems, which had hitherto escaped the attention of the major international
improved and 7,600 new serviced sites were provided in adjacent overspill areas, as well as community, health, and educational facilities (Jere 1984; Rakodi 1987). In an evaluation of the project, Bamberger et al. (1982) noted that the Lusaka project extended services to almost 20,000 dwellings and provided new services to more than 7,000 families in adjacent spill areas. Zambian authorities were pleased with the project, as it beneﬁted a total of 31,000 families. Citing these examples, the Bank
peasants ended up in the hands of members of government. In the absence of government structures of accountability to address abuses of state power and privilege, the popular press and emerging opposition movements were faced with the task of exposing the wealth-accumulating tendencies of the ruling elite. There were a number of reports of mistreatment and poor working conditions on farms owned by the elites. For example, it was reported that laborers on the farm of Dr. Kombo Moyana (a governor