Sudan: Race, Religion, and Violence
In this groundbreaking investigation, Jok Madut Jok delves deep into Sudan's culture and history, isolating the factors that have caused its fractured national identity. With moving first-hand testimonies, Jok provides a decisive critique of a country in turmoil, and addresses what must be done to break the tragic cycle of racism, poverty, and brutality that grips Sudan and its people.
Hilal did not have much to fear from those in the international community who suggested that he might be arrested; his name appeared at the top of the US State Department’s war-criminals list in June 2004, but the State Department met with him in the following month in Khartoum. That meeting epitomized the transformation that has occurred in American policy toward Darfur and it explains Washington’s vehement opposition to the referral of Darfur crimes to the ICC in the early part of 2005. From
all internal opposition is suppressed and that persecuted ethnic and religious minorities do not have a channel through which to seek justice or speak out against discrimination. Denying that it practices religious discrimination in one context and embarking upon activities that contradicted it in another, the government left no doubt in the minds of non-Muslims or moderate Muslims that it had chosen Islamic theocracy as the only way to govern. Criticism of government policies was considered an
that it was decried as racist. Black university students, government officials and other long-term residents who had jobs and families in the city were often arrested and forced into Kasha trucks or jails, without examining their identity cards, and from where they were frequently released only after paying bribes. Clearly the lack of employment and the disproportionate concentration of services and jobs in the capital and other northern cities was one of the reasons why the people living in
and used to track down the members of the Darfur pro-SPLA clandestine network, or he had to divulge the details of their names during the interrogation under torture. Despite the failure of this attempt, it had stirred debate within Darfur about the nature of Sudan’s conflicts. In 2003 when the SLA and JEM were formed, the two opposition armies had no shortage of able-bodied men to swell their ranks. The National Islamic Front and Darfur When the Islamists toppled Sadiq al-Mahdi’s
Naturally, the government’s response to allegations of forced evictions has triggered some debate as to whether or not civilians were actually retrieved by force in a systematic manner. Khartoum flatly denied any wrongdoing, and said that people moved on their own account to government areas fleeing ‘rebel’ abuses and shortage of food in opposition-controlled areas. But even if civilians were ‘only’ entrapped because the lack of supplies and the danger of being caught between battlelines forced