Red Love Across the Pacific: Political and Sexual Revolutions of the Twentieth Century
This book examines the Red Love vogue that swept across the Asia-Pacific in the 1920s and 1930s as part of a worldwide interest in socialism and follows its trails throughout the twentieth century. Encouraging both political and sexual liberation, Red Love was a transnational movement demonstrating the revolutionary potential of love and desire.
and Park Chung Hee, were averse to expressions of melancholy in society and enacted campaigns for social “cheerfulness” (Rhee) and “soundness” (Park). They may have been aware that tragedy in fiction worked as an indirect criticism of their regimes.24 Films were the form most vulnerable to censorship and it was well known that elements of social criticism or melancholic scenes would either be arbitrarily deleted, forcibly revised, or banned from public viewing altogether. Yŏngja’s marriage and
was “more often remarked upon than rigorously studied,” as Gregory Pflugfelder puts it, but now the tide has turned.12 Keith Vincent writes: Until the late nineteenth century, Japan could boast of an elaborate cultural tradition surrounding the love and desire that men felt for other men. It figured in the cultural imagination as a familiar literary trope, as a legitimate and widely accepted practice, and as a nexus of cultural value. . . . By the first years of the twentieth century, however,
part both of her erotic allure and of her authority. In the 1950s, the stigma against interracial romance was only beginning to decline from the eugenicist heights of the prewar era. As Ann Laura Stoler has demonstrated, the policing of what she calls “racial frontiers” was one of the primary concerns of colonial administrations in Asia during the first decades of the twentieth century.36 At the same time, mixed-race couplings were a staple of Hollywood films and popular romantic fiction of the
materialized significantly at the end of the twentieth century with the dawning of neoliberalism when Mexico initiated a new sector of its economy devoted to assembly for export supported by foreign investment. The “Asian model” of export processing zones developed in India (1965), Taiwan (1965), and Korea (1970) provided the paradigm for Mexico’s Border Industrialization Program. Officially inaugurated in 1965, the program lured investment and soon plants that came to be known as “maquiladoras”
of familiar norms. Maquiladora workers who go on strike make huge sacrifices. Once they lose their jobs and the meager economic security their wages supply, they have to scramble to provide for their families, to pay for food, rent, utilities, medicine, and clothes. They are blacklisted, and so unable to get work in other factories in the area. Some lose friends and family as well. But they also develop new relationships and new critical perspectives on their lives. During an organizing