Darfur and the Crime of Genocide (Cambridge Studies in Law and Society)
John Hagan, Wenona Rymond-Richmond
In 2004, the State Department gathered more than a thousand interviews from refugees in Chad that verified Colin Powell's U.N. and congressional testimonies about the Darfur genocide. The survey cost nearly a million dollars to conduct and yet it languished in the archives as the killing continued, claiming hundreds of thousands of murder and rape victims and restricting several million survivors to camps. This book for the first time fully examines that survey and its heartbreaking accounts. It documents the Sudanese government's enlistment of Arab Janjaweed militias in destroying black African communities. The central questions are: Why is the United States so ambivalent to genocide? Why do so many scholars deemphasize racial aspects of genocide? How can the science of criminology advance understanding and protection against genocide? This book gives a vivid firsthand account and voice to the survivors of genocide in Darfur.
the NATO bombing campaign and American par- ticipation in the indictment of Slobodan Milosevic by the ICTY paved the way for the initial interviews with a sample of refugees in Alba- nia and Macedonia. The entry of NATO troops into Kosovo presented the opportunity for in-country interviewing of samples of returning and remaining residents in Kosovo. The fact that the forced migration and mortality took place primarily in a short time period also enhanced the efficiency of the data
car and someone was guiding the gun. The gun had three legs (i.e., a tripod) on the top of the car. It was a Toyota (khaki colored). There was someone driving and some soldiers on the cars and someone shooting. I could not hear them except yelling like frightening [them]. All of them had uniforms on. I couldn’t see if they had markings because I was too far, but they had army caps. They came from four directions. I saw there was one man who had a horse who arrived and led the attack – he
individual-level vari- ables. The results indicated that sexual violence increased when Sudan- ese government forces combined with Janjaweed attacking groups, in THE RACIAL SPARK 185 TABLE 7.1. Individual and Settlement Cluster Models of Rape and Sexual Assaults, Adjusted for Dispersion: Atrocities Documentation Survey, Darfur Refugees, Summer, 2004a Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4 Individual-level B(se) b(se) b(se) b(se) respondent attributes Age − . 024∗∗ − . 024∗∗∗ − .
2005. It shows a Sudanese man crying out as another man tries to deliver his infant child to safety through a bus window as they are forcibly removed by Egyptian police from a protest in Cairo. That day, the police killed at least twenty-three people, including small children, when hundreds of Sudanese refugees refused to leave a public park they occupied to protest denials of their refugee claims by UN officials. Those officials denied sanctuary to thousands of Sudanese camped in the small
distances between them. Epilogue: Collective R2P Imagine you wake up in the early hours of the morning and hear the screams of a woman from the street outside your window. What would you do? About a dozen bystanders saw or heard Kitty Genovese sexu- ally assaulted and stabbed to death in 1964 in New York City, but did nothing. The story became a national symbol of the loss of community in urban America and spawned a research literature on “bystander effects” and the “willingness to