Coolidge: An American Enigma
The most successful and neglected president of the 20th century.
reducing the public expenditures from $5,500,000,000 per annum to approximately $3,400,000,000 per annum, thus reducing the ordinary expenditures of the government to substantially a pre-war basis, and the complete restoration of the public credit; the payment or refunding of $7,500,000,000 of public obligations without disturbance of credit or industry—all during the short period of three years—presents a record unsurpassed in the history of public finance. Much of this, of course, occurred
Stocking couldn’t fathom that the wonder of Coolidge was that he accomplished all he did without the usual trappings of politicians. He meant to be accepted on his own terms, and so he was. At that graduation were several young men destined for success. In addition to Morrow, there was Herbert Pratt, who became president of Standard Oil of New Jersey; George Olds, future president of Amherst; and Harlan Stone, the future attorney general and Supreme Court justice—named to both posts by President
Simon & Schuster, 1946), p. 224. CHAPTER 11 The basic sources again are Fuess, White, and McCoy. Lippmann on Coolidge frustrating politicians is in Lippmann, Men of Destiny, p. 15. The Coolidge speech to the editors is in Coolidge, Foundations of the Republic, p. 183–90. Silver’s Coolidge and the Historians is a scathing attack on historians who denigrate Coolidge, especially Schlesinger, Jr., and contains a presentation and analysis of such matters. The Lane letters are in Anne Lane and
Massachusetts politics: I could not have acted like myself if I had announced my candidacy during the session. No matter what I did or said, it would have been misconstrued, and there would have been thirty-nine candidates to succeed me as president of the senate. It would have interfered with the public business of the senate. As noted, the candidates for both governor and lieutenant governor would be selected through the primary process, which meant that they had to appeal to the electorate
what Smoot had told the reporter, and those senators who did not vote for Harding might have had other political debts to pay. Besides, the few personal votes wouldn’t have made a difference. Finally, Claude Fuess quoted a letter from Mark Sullivan to Edward Duffield sent shortly after the convention:There never was any time when the Senate group was not in control of the Chicago Convention. I was a delegate there as you were and I was also a reporter and had the reporter’s end of it, and I knew