Citizen and Subject: Contemporary Africa and the Legacy of Late Colonialism (Princeton Series in Culture/Power/History)
In analyzing the obstacles to democratization in post- independence Africa, Mahmood Mamdani offers a bold, insightful account of colonialism's legacy--a bifurcated power that mediated racial domination through tribally organized local authorities, reproducing racial identity in citizens and ethnic identity in subjects. Many writers have understood colonial rule as either "direct" (French) or "indirect" (British), with a third variant--apartheid--as exceptional. This benign terminology, Mamdani shows, masks the fact that these were actually variants of a despotism. While direct rule denied rights to subjects on racial grounds, indirect rule incorporated them into a "customary" mode of rule, with state-appointed Native Authorities defining custom. By tapping authoritarian possibilities in culture, and by giving culture an authoritarian bent, indirect rule (decentralized despotism) set the pace for Africa; the French followed suit by changing from direct to indirect administration, while apartheid emerged relatively later. Apartheid, Mamdani shows, was actually the generic form of the colonial state in Africa.
Through case studies of rural (Uganda) and urban (South Africa) resistance movements, we learn how these institutional features fragment resistance and how states tend to play off reform in one sector against repression in the other. Reforming a power that institutionally enforces tension between town and country, and between ethnicities, is the key challenge for anyone interested in democratic reform in Africa.
settler domination and laid the foundation of state independence, as with the Mau Mau, just as they have constituted the social basis of armed struggles in independent Mrica, as in Eritrea and Uganda. This diversity of outcomes is shaped by the nature of alliances that peasant movements enter into and into which they are incorporated. Allies of peasants have included uppe:r classes from the precolonial period, as well as middle-class nationalists THE OTHER FACE OF TRIBALISM 213 and
between the organized township and the hostel outside its fold. I will show this in the case of Alexandra, one of the most politically dynamic townships in South Mrica. THE ALEXANDRA CIVIC AND THE M-1 HOSTEL Alexandra, say its civic leaders, has a population of 350,000 living in 4.6 square kilometers. Fifty percent live in shanties. Alex was declared a hostel area in the 1960s. The M-1 was built in 1972. By 1989 there were three thousand residents. They came from different areas and
a division would to a private soldier, except through his commanding officers. The courts administer native law, and are presided over by native judges ( 417 in all). Their punishments do not conform to the criminal code, but on the other hand, native law must not be in opposition to the Ordinances of Government, which are operative everywhere, and the courts ... are under the close supervision of the District Staff. Their rules of evidence and their procedure are not based on British standards,
to capitalism under seventeenth-century European absolutism or that under other Third World experiences, 18 or whether the postcolonial state in Mrica should belabeled Bonapartist or absolutist. 19 Whatever their differences, both sides agree that Mrican reality has meaning only insofar as it can be seen to reflect a particular stage in the development of an earlier history. Inasmuch as it privileges the European historical experience as its touchstone, as the historical expression of the
of section 3 of the Swazi Courts Act 80 of 1950, Khumalo concludes that these courts have civil jurisdiction over all "Swazis," meaning "a member of the indigenous population of Mrica who is a Swazi citizen attached to a chief appointed under section 4 of the Administration Act 79 of 1950." 5 Pointedly excluded are all Swazi citizens of non-Mrican descent. In Botswana the law simply defines the jurisdiction of customary courts as covering all "tribesmen"! 6 112 CHAPTER 4 Yet customary law was