China and the World since 1945: An International History (The Making of the Contemporary World)
The emergence of China as a dominant regional power with global influence is a significant phenomenon in the twenty-first century. Its origin could be traced back to 1949 when the Chinese Communist Party under Mao Zedong came to power and vowed to transform China and the world. After the ‘century of humiliation’, China was in constant search of a new identity on the world stage. From alliance with the Soviet Union in the 1950s, China normalized relations with America in the 1970s and embraced the global economy and the international community since the 1980s. This book examines China’s changing relations with the two superpowers, Asian neighbours, Third World countries, and European powers.
China and the World since 1945 offers an overview of China’s involvement in the Korean War, the Sino-Soviet split, Sino-American rapprochement, the end of the Cold War, and globalization. It assess the roles of security, ideology, and domestic politics in Chinese foreign policy and provides a synthesis of the latest archival-based research on China’s diplomatic history and Cold War international history
This engaging new study examines the rise of China from a long-term historical perspective and will be essential to students of Chinese history and contemporary international relations.
included the training, planning, and even commanding of the Vietminh’s military operations.7 In mid-March 1954, the Vietminh launched their oﬀensive against the French garrisons at Dien Bien Phu, a remote village in a valley surrounded by high mountains in north-western Vietnam. Under siege, the French urgently requested Washington to launch air strikes to rescue them. Caught between the competing forces of anti-communism and anti-colonialism, the Eisenhower administration called for ‘united
on China. It is not clear how Mao responded to the marshals’ report at the time.8 But the US signals of goodwill were not lost on the Chairman. Not only was he relieved to hear that the United States would not support a Soviet nuclear strike against China, but Mao also felt obliged to reciprocate the American withdrawal of the two destroyers from the Taiwan Strait by releasing, in early December, the two detained Americans whose yacht had strayed into China’s territorial waters. During 1970 Nixon
University Press, 2001), 310–13. 18 Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping, vol. iii, 23–5. 19 See Steve Tsang, A Modern History of Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2004), 218–27. 20 My account draws on Allen S. Whiting, China Eyes Japan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989). 21 See John W. Garver, ‘China’s Push Through the South China Sea: The Interaction of Bureaucratic and National Interests’, CQ 132 (December 1992): 999–1028; M. Taylor Fravel, Strong Borders, Secure
not merely peace rhetoric to reassure the world or pragmatic response to US unilateralism under the Bush administration. Rather, Hu and his advisors held the conviction that ‘democratizing’ existing international institutions and norms would change the world for the better. It demonstrated the growing conﬁdence on the part of the fourth generation leadership that China could and should play a more active role in building a fairer world. To the new leaders, China’s identity was as a responsible
Outer Mongolia 7, 10, 20, 72 Pakistan 21, 36, 38, 61, 76, 77, 78, 87, 114 Peng, Dehuai 27, 47, 48, 55 Philippines 36, 38, 39, 90, 104–5 Poland 40, 101 Portugal 103, 118 Qian, Qichen 111, 112 Qiao, Guanhua 63 Reagan, Ronald 88, 100, 101; see also United States Romania 76, 105 Roosevelt, Franklin 9, 10; see also United States Russia, Federation of 110, 111, 119, 127, 128, 129, 131 Shanghai Cooperation Organization 128 Shanghai Five 119, 128 South Africa 90 Southeast Asian Treaty Organization 36