China and the World since 1945: An International History (The Making of the Contemporary World)
The emergence of China as a dominant regional power with global influence is a significant phenomenon in the twenty-first century. Its origin could be traced back to 1949 when the Chinese Communist Party under Mao Zedong came to power and vowed to transform China and the world. After the ‘century of humiliation’, China was in constant search of a new identity on the world stage. From alliance with the Soviet Union in the 1950s, China normalized relations with America in the 1970s and embraced the global economy and the international community since the 1980s. This book examines China’s changing relations with the two superpowers, Asian neighbours, Third World countries, and European powers.
China and the World since 1945 offers an overview of China’s involvement in the Korean War, the Sino-Soviet split, Sino-American rapprochement, the end of the Cold War, and globalization. It assess the roles of security, ideology, and domestic politics in Chinese foreign policy and provides a synthesis of the latest archival-based research on China’s diplomatic history and Cold War international history
This engaging new study examines the rise of China from a long-term historical perspective and will be essential to students of Chinese history and contemporary international relations.
1945–1960 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2007), 151–68. 3 Peaceful coexistence and assertive nationalism, 1954–7 Shortly after the end of the Korean War, China’s priorities shifted to state-building and economic rehabilitation. In October 1953 Mao Zedong adopted the ‘general line for the transition to socialism’. In 1954 the National People’s Congress approved a new constitution, modelled largely on the Soviet constitution of 1936. China’s political system became a Leninist one,
extraordinarily high tariﬀs. In 1980 the United States supported China’s entry into the World Bank, thus allowing Beijing to obtain loans and grants for economic development. Sino-American cultural ties also expanded rapidly, including mutual exchanges of students and scholars.11 Nevertheless, the Taiwan issue re-emerged as the main irritant in Sino-American relations. Despite its pledge on a one-year moratorium, the Carter administration had not completely stopped the ﬂow of US arms to Taiwan,
perceived its role in the world, and interacted with other powers were signiﬁcantly shaped by the history and memory of the ‘century of humiliation’. To eradicate the legacies of foreign imperialism was at the heart of China’s search for a new national identity after liberation. But as Lowell Dittmer argues: ‘Almost from the beginning, the PRC has been aﬄicted with a national identity dilemma.’10 On the one hand, for the sake of ideological legitimacy and solidarity, China saw itself as part of
bloom. In 2004 China overtook Japan as the world’s third largest trading economy, after the European Union (EU) and the United States. Between 2004 and 2007, China doubled the size of its exports, surpassing 124 The rise of China America as the world’s largest exporter. China enjoyed a trade surplus of US$34 billion in 2004, and of US$102 billion the next year. It had the world’s largest foreign exchange reserves, and was one of the largest destinations of foreign direct investment. In the
also stabilized. China expanded its ‘strategic partnership’ with Russia, ﬁrst formed in 1996. In July 2001, China and Russia signed the Treaty of GoodNeighbourliness and Friendly Cooperation, which included 25 articles covering a wide range of issues such as security cooperation, economic contacts, and border issues. Although not directed towards any third party, the treaty was partly a response to American unilateralism under the new Bush administration. Nevertheless, neither China nor Russia