Africa Uprising: Popular Protest and Political Change (African Arguments)
Drawing on interviews with activists across a number of countries, Adam Branch and Zachariah Mampilly offer a penetrating assessment of contemporary African protests, situating current popular activism within a broader historical and continental context. The first book to put contemporary popular protest in a pan-African context, Africa Uprising critically examines Africa’s incorporation into the global economy, the failure of African governments to democratize, the behavior of opposition forces, and the role of African popular culture in the movements. In doing so, the authors provide essential research and insight for understanding African politics at this key juncture in history.
Abacha’s crackdown on union activity during the mid-1990s, which spurred NLC leaders to seek a more autonomous position. The NLC’s behaviour also had the effect of splintering the labour movement as newer unions, like the Civil Service and Technical Workers Union (CSTWUN) and the Nigerian Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG), adopted more radical positions against the wishes of the NLC leadership. During the transition to democracy in 1999, the NLC was initially proud of its
Ugandan politics For the significance of the 2011 protests to be clear, they need to be framed within the broader and long-standing dilemmas structuring Ugandan politics over the previous decades. One place to start is with a brief account of the three national questions that have largely defined the context of post-colonial Ugandan politics: the Northern question, the Buganda question, and the Asian question. All three national questions are the legacy of colonial indirect rule and the
rural protests can provide the basis for a new urban–rural alliance. More fundamentally, while the NRM government can provide small benefits to appease specific constituencies when necessary, it does not appear able to provide basic welfare to the population as a whole. Some in the opposition realize this: Mpuuga explained that ‘the challenge of the day is how to consolidate all these protests and energies’. The bigger question is whether political parties are up to the task or whether new
strongholds. As one evicted resident explained, his own house had been demolished and his only compensation was a thirty-month rental in a distant building without electricity or water. Many others were even worse off, he said, living in iron shacks, while the poorest, who had previously paid only a few cents per day in rent, were now homeless. Whereas before, in Arat Kilo, ‘people would help each other … now, development has torn people apart’, with entire communities forcibly displaced into
differentially through race or ethnicity (Al-Bulushi 2012). The recognition of this fact helped give rise to significant discussion in the US around how the Occupy protests could go beyond their largely white image and address the intersection of race, class, and political identity. In Brazil, too, the noted absence of the poorest, overwhelmingly black, members of urban society raised questions about the protests’ potential for addressing racial structures of power and inequality. Similarly,